Ours to Master and to Own: Workers' Control from the Commune to the Present - Resolute Reader
As I write this review, tens of thousands of people are engaged in  Occupy protests and occupations around the world. Most famously in Wall  Street, but also on the doorstep of the London Stock Exchange and in a  hundred other locations around the globe. Workplace occupations have  also been part of the recent struggles - here in the UK, in the last few  years at the Visteon and Vestas plants. As this book ably documents,  workers control, or at least workers management has been a feature of  recent class struggle, as well as in the past. The revolution in Egypt  is still developing, so it forms no part of the debates here. Perhaps a  new chapter will have to be written soon.
Nevertheless, this  collection of essays is extremely timely. Divided into several parts,  the editors have collected articles to examine the full range of  experiences. Some of the strongest articles are over-views of the  historical process from a Marxist point of view. Of these, two in  particular stood out. Donny Gluckstein's summary of the experience of  Workers' Councils in Europe, based in part on his excellent book The  Western Soviets looks at how workplace council's rose as out of  revolutionary struggles, beginning with the Paris Commune and then the  upheavels following the end of World War One. Similarly, Sheila Cohen's  article looks at some of these events and those post World War Two in  Europe, together with questions of the role of the State and  alternatives to capitalism.
Several articles examine these  processes in detail. Three look at the worker's council movement in  Europe post World War One, examining Italy, Germany and Russia. The  article on Germany is particularly interesting, as it looks at the  question of workers organisation under the conditions of illegality, as  well as the challenges posed by a young, immature shop-stewards movement  faced with an explosion of revolution. It also rescues the fascinating  and magnificent role of the workers leader, Richard Muller, who has been  largely forgotten to revolutionary history. There are also superb  chapters on obscure moments of working class history, Java and Algeria  being two. One great strength of this book, is that it doesn't  concentrate on the experience of workers in America or Europe, but draws  on lessons from every corner of the globe, including near forgotten  moments of our history.
These chapters are in my opinion some of  the strongest. This is not because they are better written than the  others, rather it is because the revolutionary period they cover is  inspiring and offers real examples of alternatives to capitalism. The  stories of how worker's ideas change at moments of mass revolutionary  action is always inspiring and examples of how people take production  into their own collective hands, overthrowing the boss and the manager  and beginning to run society in their own interest are always useful.
Sadly,  later chapters don't match these peaks. This is not simply because the  subject matter is obscure. Their is confusion with the definition of  workers control. For some authors, it is blurred between the potential  for the revolutionary control of the means of production and any example  of workers being involved in factory management. This later definition  can often come from very top down initiative, such as the experience in  Yugoslavia (the rather clunky titled chapter on "Self-Management as  State Paradigm").
This is duplicated in later chapters on South  America. Here worker's control and self-management have been taken to  great heights by the state. Workers are encouraged to take control of  their factories, managing them in the interest of the wider economy, yet  without the bottom-up experience that marks the high-points of  revolution. This is not to say the experience isn't positive. In Brazil,  the reaction to bankruptcy of some industries has lead to "Recovered  Factories" where despite the problems, it is "impossible to be  indifferent after entering a factory like the former Botoes  Diamantina... and watching the factory workers handling all different  matters themselves, with the CUT flag hanging in the conference room."
However  in many cases, the experience of taking over factories in economic  crisis has proved difficult, if not impossible. A chapter on Venezuela  points out many of the difficulties for such workers co-operatives. How  much worker's control is there really when because "the state was the  majority stockholder, all important decisions had to be approved by the  ministry"? In response, the workers moved on from "comanagement" to  workers councils, because, as one worker said, "we didn't kick out one  capitalist to create 60 new ones". There is a danger, within capitalism,  that isolated examples of workers management lead to a "market of  solidarity" between such enterprises, struggling to survive without a  further challenge to the status quo.
Despite this, even in the  context of capitalism co-operatives challenge the priorities of the  system. One characteristic of almost all the examples in the book is  that when workers are given some control over their lives, they begin to  change. The thrilling story of the Canadian telecom workers who, for  five days ran the whole telephone company is a powerful story of how, by  kicking out managers, work becomes more interesting, more fulfilling  and the service improves. These workers learnt their own power, and  because they could engage with others in the workplace, they understood  their industry even better, learning about company jobs that they had  never heard from before. This is the very beginnings of the old quote  from Lenin, about how in the new workers state, "every cook should  govern". The Canadian telecoms workers remained until forced out by the  existing state and its legal apparatus, though the solidarity they  received shows the potential for action even at low points in the class  struggle (this was 1981). Their story is particularly of interest,  because the strategy of occupation and control was used by a union that  was considered weak and couldn't sustain the normal strike procedures.
It  would be wrong to review such an important book without engaging in  some slight criticism. One criticism I have is that in too few of the  articles do we hear how the actual occupations, workers control or  self-management worked. The Canadian story is one of the exceptions, but  if we are to inspire a new generation of factory occupations and  workers councils, we'll have to show how workers' democracy can work  (warts and all) and how occupations might proceed. This book has too  much of what the people at the top say and do, and too little stories  from the ground. A few more quotes and recollections from participants  would have helped enormously.
Finally, my main criticism is the  old point about reform or revolution. For me, we look at workers  councils in the past, to learn lessons about how to transform society in  future revolutionary moments. The councils that sprang up from the  bottom during the revolutions of 1917-1920, or those in Spain in 1936 or  Chile, Portugal and others in the 1970s offer both a potential for a  future society and lessons for us today. There is a danger that we see  them as historical curiosities. Peter Robinson falls into this trap when  he concludes his chapter on Worker's Control in Portugal, writing that  it "was an extraordinary period, one that needs to be further studied  and celebrated". Here Robinson makes the process sound like an abstract  historical argument, rather than, as other chapters show, a living  breathing debate that workers' in many parts of the world are engaging  in today. As the recession deepens and the capitalists try to make  workers globally pay for the crisis, its a discussion that millions more  will take part in.
